The MPLA’s Election Plan
The action plan for the electoral campaign of the ruling People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), which formally starts on July 31, contains strategies that need to be made plain for all to see, in the interests of peace, political stability, and the distinction between party and state.
For the first phase of the campaign (from July 29 to August 15), MPLA defines the need to pay special attention to “critical areas to ensure order and tranquillity among voters”. To this end, MPLA envisages 19 permanent measures, including:
- “Instruct activists, sympathisers and friends of the MPLA and other voters not to take part in any actions that may suggest electoral impropriety, and to refrain from practising any kind of violence against other political parties or their activists;
- Denounce political parties, civil society organisations and citizens who incite voters to violence, disturbance or electoral fraud.”
The communications and security committee of MPLA’s electoral campaign, which is responsible for implementing these decisions, is co-ordinated by its politburo secretary for war veterans, Francisco Magalhães Paiva “Nvunda”, seconded by the deputy chief of the Intelligence and State Security Services (SINSE), Eduardo Fernando Bárber Octávio.
However, MPLA’s action plan presents, from the outset, two practical contradictions.
MPLA activists have regularly and violently attacked UNITA members who have been trying to carry out political activities in various locations in Benguela and Huambo provinces. These confrontations have resulted in deaths and injuries, which neither the MPLA nor the local authorities have acknowledged. MPLA has made no public statements to unambiguously discourage acts of violence on the part of its activists, and neither have any disciplinary or criminal proceedings been brought against those who disturb public order in this way.
In Benguela, where the situation has been most serious, the authorities have responded by deploying four military companies in areas considered sensitive in terms of political rivalry between MPLA and UNITA. For example, on July 5, a company of 90 soldiers from the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) turned a primary school in Chingongo commune, Balombo municipality, into a military garrison. The authorities forced the children outside the school and they now have their lessons under a tree. Day and night, the soldiers constantly patrol areas where UNITA is strongest, such as the village of Kangumbe.
On July 18, the company deployed in Capupa commune, Cubal municipality, received reinforcements of more soldiers and arms, including artillery. In these areas, as well as in Bocoio and Ganda municipalities, soldiers use heavy weapons in their patrols, including PKM machine guns, and have been creating a climate of insecurity and intimidation among UNITA members. The FAA general chief of staff, general Geraldo Nunda, visited the province to oversee the military deployment during the electoral period.
If there is a need to use heavy weapons and military patrols among communities during the election period, then either the government or the army needs to explain to the public what the reason is for these measures, which look like preparation for war. As the ruling part, the MPL, has secured the exclusive monopoly on violence.
The MPLA electoral strategy defines the provinces of Benguela, Bié, Huambo, Kwanza-Sul, Luanda and Uíge as the provinces with the largest electorate, which deserve its special attention.
UNITA, for its part, is most strongly rooted in Benguela, Bié and Huambo provinces, and has also capitalised on social discontent in Luanda. Since the death of its leader, Jonas Savimbi, 10 years ago, UNITA’s political structures have suffered from crippling and regular defections to MPLA. The ruling party has also infiltrated the ranks of its political foe to such an extent that it is reasonable to say that the MPLA has an effective control over the UNITA leadership.
The visible presence of Eduardo Octávio, the deputy chief of the Intelligence and State Security Services (SINSE), on the MPLA electoral campaign co-ordinating committee, is a violation of the Law on Political Parties, which prohibits members of the FAA and of the National Police from being actively involved in political parties. Eduardo Octávio is an officer of the National Police, with the rank of commissioner. His dual role also violates the Constitution, which establishes that the National Police is a non-partisanship institution and thus requires its agents on active duty to be non-partisan.
These contradictions give rise to an important question: must voters believe in what the MPLA says or in what it does?
As a great political and national security analyst said, anonymously, “no one is investing in [keeping the situation] calm, because we come from generations of conflict. Only confrontation really motivates us.” The analyst also regrets the way in which sectors of society, above all the elite, capitalise on the use of violence to maintain their privileges.
This time around, the MPLA is fearful of the consequences of social discontentment throughout the country, and of the influence of the Arab Spring in the consciousness of many Angolans. And because the vote and electoral promises will make little or no difference to the political and socio-economic set-up, the fundamental question is: between dialogue and violence, what is MPLA’s real choice? After 37 years in power, MPLA faces a dilemma between clinging to power at all costs and allowing people to freely express their will.
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Espero que nenhum Cabinda se meta nesses assunto dos Angolanos
Que estupidez é esta de cabinda e problema dos angolanos, gente como voces são má influencia para a paz a tranquilidade.
Não aprendem porque? parece selvagens pá.
eu tambem nao estou a favor como as coisas estão a correr mais temos que ter mais seriedade quando estamos a fazer determinados comentarios.
Como diz o brasileiro:
se toca cara.
‘All Men and Women dress in Red. And His Excellency is dressed in White’ – Marques, this picture is worth a trillion kwanza, isn’t it?
Red symbolizes fire and violence. White expresses purity and innocence. How this relates to politics in Angola? This is for sure a trillion Kwanza question! The men and women in Red can simply be called the Followers of His Excellency. They are invested with such especial power on behalf of His Excellency.
So, they have got the power:
To kill (if necessary) – in the name of His Excellency;
To steal – in the name of His Excellency;
To beat and bite – in the name of His Excellency;
To sing and whistle – in the name of His Excellency;
To clap and dance – in the name of His Excellency;
To close down entire schools, churches and universities – in the name of His Excellency;
To partidarise the state, resources, justice and media – in the name of His Excellency
To personalize democracy and the rule of law – in the name of His Excellency!
To control and possess the citizens and the parties – in the name of His Excellency!
To rig the vote – in the name His Excellency!
To distort the electoral system – in the name of His Excellency!
To buy with oil and diamonds the much needed international allies and support – in the name of His Excellency!
Then, what is the role of His Excellency? Remember, His Excellency is dressed in White! He is – as if a Pope among his Cardinals dressed in Red. His Excellency is pure and immaculate, so he doesn’t even bother to lift up his hands and mingle with the crowd.
For almost his 33 years in power, His Excellency has developed an allergy for doing the dirty stuff for the fear of contamination. Then, this explains why the men and women in Red do all the dirty stuff – in the name of His Excellency! Yes, indeed! Now, you really got it!
Se alguém queira se opor mas, os demais partido fizeram uma copia ou cabula do nosso programa.
Todos temos ciência, sobretudo, aqueles que conhecem a história recente do País, de que para a elite política, vale mais a pena embestar-se para a via da beligerância e do conflito, começando com as visíveis picuinhas, para assim estabelecer a manutenção do status quo, ou seja, da eternização no poder. Ainda mais quando vê-se o agravado descontentamento social em direção à caótica governação que "estamos com ele". É portanto necessário observar que, há muito, o discurso do MPLA nega-se pela eficácia e ineficácia de suas ações. Tudo esse lero-lero e palavrório do Plano de Ações do Programa Eleitoral, nada mais são do que meras intenções, apenas isso. Foram eles que nos acostumaram a crer assim, e assim sabemos que é.
Sinceramente, o MPLA não sabe e nunca irá aprender a viver na diversidade. Também é caso para dizer que, afinal, sabem mesmo que o fim do MPLA acabou completamente. Mas, não submeta-nos a mais uma guerra. Afinal, quem carrega armas pesadas é o MPLA. Portanto, deixem-nos à vontade.
É claro que o MPLA sempre vai optar pela violência e desorganização da sociedade, porque estes são os valores que assentam a sua governação
É necessario que tenhamos uma consciência limpa, entre a violencia e o diálogo claro que o MPLA opta pela violencia, eles ja nao tem nada a perder porque a maioria estao em queixa em alguns paises porcausa da corrupção desenfriada, irão fazer tudo para a manutenção de poder, nem que toverem que matar todos os Angolanos, assim é o MPLA é um partido de corruptos aldrabões gatunos, assassinos, esses farao de tudo para manutenção do poder, mais sempre eu soube que ninguém luta com um povo.
O PR JES, quando sai à rua demonstra o espírito belicista que o caracteriza, pela quantidade de homens armados que o cercam, porque ele não consegue conviver sem armas, pois para os que têm pactos diabólicos, o derramamento de sangue lhes fortalece para se perpetuarem nos cargos. Olhe bem para a cara dele e verão que ele sofre, pois nem quantidade de dinheiro que tem lhe permite ter uma boa aparência. O preço a pagar por causa dos pactos diabólicos são altos e são pagos com sangue. Um verdadeiro africano sabe disso.
Angolano, voce tocou na tecla certa! Todavia, o que parece mais sagrado nos lideres africanos — poder pela violencia e 'pactos diabolicos' — cedo ou tarde torna-se trivial. A trivialidade do poder despotico acontece quando o povo deixa de adorar esses lideres diabolicos, derrubando-os. O coronel Gaddafi, que tinha centenas de virgens como guarda-costas, foi trivializado; o Saddan foi trivializado; o Ben Ali da Tunisia foi trivializado; Hosni Mubarak foi trivializado; Wade do senegal, foi trivializado. Enfim, Jose Eduardo Dos Santos tambem ha-de chegar a sua vez de ser trivializado!